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overview
This page discusses what has been characterised as 'internet
dependency', 'cyber addiction', 'internomania' or even
'onlineaholics' and 'netaholics'.
It covers -
- introduction
- the emergence of a new pathology
- one
disorder or many - what do we mean by 'cyber addiction'?
- addiction
as behaviour, substance, overuse or preference
-
precedents - anxieties about
broadcasting, the telephone, telegraphy and earlier
'new media' disorders
- orientations
and polemics - writing about "the scourge of the
Internet Age"
- issues
- questions about the basis, prevalence and significance
of net addiction
It
supplements discussion elsewhere on this site regarding
computer rage, sexuality, anxiety and other aspects of
life online.
The following pages consider responses (eg the cyber addiction
therapy industry), use of 'internet addiction' as a defence
in criminal trials and litigation against employers or
other entities for allleged negligence regarding addiction
introduction
Are you a "Net Addict"? A "cybersexual
addict"? Or even a "cyberwidow" (apparently
there are no cyberwidowers)?
In yet another glorious chapter in the US's infatuation
with therapy, the media and health services discovered
Internet Addiction (IA) and Pathological Internet Use
(PIU) during the mid 1990s. Given their affinity for the
badge of modernity, that discovery leaked across to well-ordered
states such as Singapore, Malaysia, Japan and China.
In the US psychologist Kimberly Young - author of Caught
in the Net: How to Recognize the Signs of Internet Addiction
and A Winning Strategy for Recovery (New York: Wiley
1998) and similar works, founder of the COLA Center for
On-Line Addiction (COLA)
- breathlessly recounts stories of
dozens
of lives that were shattered by an overwhelming compulsion
to surf the Net, play MUD games, or chat with distant
and invisible neighbors in the timeless limbo of Cyberspace
Net
addiction has become a media theme, with lurid depictions
such as the 2005 account -
Hong
Kong Internet junkie fights to combat addiction
Anthony Chan betrays the tell-tale signs of his addiction:
his skin is pallid and covered in spots, he sits nervously
hunched, peering to correct his blighted vision and
he has trouble communicating with friends and family.
At just 16 he is emotionally fragile, physically ill
and his future has been compromised by the addiction
which has him in its grip. But when the lights are switched
off he gets online, he could not care less about the
problems it brings. His drug is the Internet and, when
connected, it makes the lonely Hong Kong schoolboy feel
on top of the world.
"The computer is my friend, it's my life, my social
life," says Chan, shifting in his chair and squinting
in the glare of the brightly-lit office where we talk.
It is one of the few times this week he has left the
confines of his bedroom where he spends hours and hours
every day logged onto the Internet and he is missing
it already, he says.
Fortunately
there are no claims that the addicts mug little old ladies
or steal from toddlers to pay for their habit.
In China it has been promoted as an explanation of why
unfettered access to the net is dangerous, with laments
that addiction has resulted in murders, thefts, suicides,
bad temper and poor hygiene. More prosaically
two
students in Chongqing fell asleep on a railway track
after an all-night internet session, and a 31-year old
Legend of Mir addict reportedly dropped dead
after a 20-hour session.
In
2006 the Shanghai Youth Federation claimed that nearly
15% of teenagers in Shanghai had become addicted to the
net and online games, with "0.5% severely addicted".
It warned
Internet addiction is caused by overuse as well as [the
medium's] bad culture, which has negative effects on
the psychological and physical development of teenagers
The
same year saw hype about legal action in China by
the
parents of a 13-year-old Chinese boy who they say jumped
to his death from a tall building after playing one
of the popular Warcraft online games for 36
hours straight
One
might ask why the parents didn't simply drag him away
from the machine? One response is the scrutiny provided
by Alex Golub & Kate Lingley in '"Just Like the
Qing Empire": Internet Addiction, MMOGs, and Moral
Crisis in Contemporary China' in 3(1) Games and Culture
(2008), 59-75.
Apocryphal
reports in 2004 claimed that conscripts in Finland were
using net addiction as a means of avoiding military service.
Alvin Cooper gained attention through problematical research
that labelled the net "the crack cocaine of sexual compulsivity",
with one in 10 (self-selected) respondents claiming that
they are "addicted to sex and the Internet".
By December 2005 some US therapists were peddling claims
that
6
percent to 10 percent of the approximately 189 million
Internet users in this country have a dependency that
can be as destructive as alcoholism and drug addiction
That is consistent with a 2005 pilot study by Mubarak
Ali of Flinders University that claimed a third of Australian
teenagers "were in the process of becoming psychologically
addicted", with 7% of the 114 teens describing themselves
as "becoming addicted" to the net. One ungenerous
observer responded that a similar percentage would describe
themselves as "becoming addicted" to chocolate
or boys.
A further 26% of kids in the Flinders study reported that
they used the net every day and considered it "an
important part of their lives". The average time
spent online a week was 13 hours, which we note is less
than the time spent watching television.
The 2007 paper 'Excessive Internet Use: The Role of Personality,
Loneliness and Social Support Networks in Internet Addiction'
by Elizabeth Hardie & Ming Yi Tee in 5 Australian
Journal of Emerging Technologies and Society 1 (PDF)
claimed that
An online survey of 96 adults showed that, based on
Young's (1998) criteria for the Internet Addiction Test,
40% of the sample could be classified as average internet
users, 52% as problem over-users and 8% as pathologically
addicted to the internet. The three groups differed
on a range of factors, with over-users and addicts spending
increasingly more time in online activities, being more
neurotic and less extraverted, more socially anxious
and emotionally lonely, and gaining greater support
from internet social networks than average internet
users.
One might hesitate to draw conclusions about the prevalence
of pathologies on the basis of such a small sample.
John Grohol criticised other research, commenting that
I don't know of any other disorder currently being researched
where the researchers, showing all the originality of
a trash romance novel writer, simply "borrowed"
the diagnostic symptom criteria for an unrelated disorder,
made a few changes, and declared the existence of a
new disorder. If this sounds absurd, it's because it
is.
In
2006 Elias Aboujaoude, Lorrin Koran & Nona Gamel gained
attention for claims in CNS Spectrums: The International
Journal of Neuropsychiatric Medicine that the internet
may be 'addictive' for 14% of the US online population.
13.7% supposedly found it hard to stay away from the net
for several days at a time and 8.2% used the net as a
way to escape problems or relieve negative mood.
Aboujaoude said "In a sense, they're using the Internet
to 'self-medicate'". That comment provokes questions
about whether watching television, reading a book, walking
the dog or visiting a cinema is 'self medication' and
thus an indication of addiction. Psychologist Mark Griffiths
challenged email from parents worried that their kids
are addicted because they use their computers three hours
a day. Griffiths sensibly commented
That isn't addiction. People will spend hours cyberchatting
with long-distance friends or partners and it's said
they're addicted. That wouldn't be said if they were
on the phone.
US academic Sara Kiesler characterised 'net addiction'
a "fad illness", commenting that problematic
use can be self-corrective and that characterising it
as an addiction
demeans
really serious illnesses, which are things like addiction
to gambling, where you steal your family's money to
pay for your gambling debts, drug addictions, cigarette
addictions.
Margaret
Shotton's Computer Addiction? A Study of Computer
Dependency (London: Taylor & Francis 1989), arguably
more cited than actually read and based on study of a
mere 75 'addicts' reported that those hobbyists were
some
of the most fascinating people of my life. They were
intelligent, lively, amusing, original, inventive, and
very hospitable. True, they rarely spend much time communicating
with people for reasons explained within this book,
but when interest was shown in them and their activities
it would be difficult to find more interesting conversationalists.
True, many of them were unconventional and unconstrained
by society's 'mores', but who would not like the freedom
and courage to act without recourse to others? True,
some of their relationships were problematic and their
activities bewildering and distressing to their partners,
but they were no more likely to have failed marriages
than
the rest of the population.
That
description would fit many academics and police personnel.
one disorder or many?
If you are not a true believer one puzzling aspect of
cyber addiction is its definition. Is it one disorder
or many? Is the label too broad to be meaningful? Where
does 'normal' use stop and pathological use begin? What
are its causes and appropriate therapies? There is no
expert consensus and the disorder is not recognised in
standard diagnostic manuals.
Jennifer Ferris' Internet Addiction Disorders: Causes,
Symptoms & Consequences argued
that IAD is
a
psychophysiological disorder involving tolerance; withdrawal
symptoms; affective disturbances; and interruption of
social relationships.
In
seeking to define the disorder she refers to a range of
criteria that include
1.
Tolerance - the need for increasing amounts of time
on the net to achieve satisfaction and/or significantly
diminished effect with continued use of the same amount
of time on the internet.
2. Two or more withdrawal symptoms developing within
days to one month after reduction of Internet use or
cessation of Internet use (i.e., quitting cold turkey)
and these must cause distress or impair social, personal
or occupational functioning. These include: psychomotor
agitation, i.e. trembling, tremors; anxiety; obsessive
thinking about what is happening on the Internet; fantasies
or dreams about the Internet; voluntary or involuntary
typing movements of the fingers.
3. Use of the Internet is engaged in to relieve or avoid
withdrawal symptoms.
4. The Internet is often accessed more often, or for
longer periods of time than was intended.
5. A significant amount of time is spent in activities
related to Internet use (e.g. Internet books, trying
out new World Wide Web browsers, researching Internet
vendors, etc).
6. Important social, occupational, or recreational activities
are given up or reduced because of use.
7. The individual risks the loss of a significant relationship,
job, educational or career opportunity because of excessive
use.
All
in all, those criteria could be used to identify television,
telephone or other addictions. Ferris notes that "other
characteristics have been identified", including
"feelings of restlessness or irritability when attempting
to cut down or stop Internet use" and use of the
net for "escaping problems or relieving feelings
of helplessness, guilt, anxiety or depression". Oops,
sounds like Barbara Cartland addiction.
What
causes IAD? Given disagreement about the shape of the
disorder - or merely its existence and seriousness - there
is no consensus. Christopher Bates, commended by one of
the gurus, suggests
that 'cyberaddiction' is caused by "low blood volume",
presumably an advance on past explanations such as witches
on broomsticks.
behaviour? substance? overuse or preference
There is no consensus among health specialists that the
net is addictive.
One reason is that there is disagreement about behavioural
versus substance addictions, with some writers arguing
that behavioural addictions are expressions of underlying
problems (eg depression or even schizophrenia) rather
than properly attributable to a particular medium or pursuit.
Another reason is that there is disagreement about the
identification of what constitutes cyberaddiction (or
addiction to things such as mobile phones, television,
iPods or reading medical journals). Proponents of cyberaddiction
often refer to 'over-use', 'excessive use' or compulsivity.
However, those proponents disagree about what is excessive,
with some arguing that anything more than three hours
per day is 'excessive' (a figure that enables glib characterisation
of most office workers as actual or potential addicts).
Critics have responded that many people pursue avocations
(such as chatting with friends online, watching television,
reading books or working on cars) because those activities
are pleasurable. They can stop, but - quite rationally
- choose not to. Mere engagement with a medium such as
television or the net should not be treated as always
equivalence to compulsive behaviour or dependence.
Edward Castronova, in Synthetic Worlds: The Business
& Culture of Online Games (Chicago: Uni of Chicago
Press 2005), commented
When
people spend dozens of hours weekly at their computers,
or on the internet, or playing video games, it is almost
certain that some other activities will suffer. The
question is, when does this behaviour warrant the label
'addiction'? Addiction is a strong word, calling for
both renunciation on the part of the subject and forceful
intervention by others ... a behaviour becomes problematic
when, and only when, it degrades other important things
in life. A 60-hour-a-week compulsive EverQuest user
who fails to speak to his own children when they come
home from school is engaging in problematic behaviour.
But consider the same user, living alone, with all his
friends being online and in the game - is his devotion
of time to cyberspace problematic? In the end we can
only judge whether presence in the virtual world is
good or bad by reference to the ordinary daily life
of the person making the choice to go there. For some
people Earth is where they really ought to spend their
time. For others, perhaps the fantasy world is the only
decent place available.
precedents
Despite assertions about the uniqueness or significance
of net addiction - or the insights of particular therapists
- it is merely the latest of a succession of alarms about
the physical, psychological or social effects of new media
and new technologies.
Those precedents reflected broader social anxieties regarding
virility, minorities, nationality and the lower classes.
The advent of printing saw the emergence of warnings from
educators, doctors and the pulpit about the seductions
of print. The pallid (and spotty) schoolboy whose overindulgence
in literature resulted in death from consumption was a
theme for around 400 years. It is a counterpart of claims
that addiction to novels or poetry debilitated the weaker
sex, leading to frigidity, stillbirths and an early grave.
The development of mass markets for literature saw warnings
that the lower classes - in particular girls working in
textile mills and other factories - were particularly
susceptible ... spending hours (and too much of their
income) mooning over trashy novels rather than devotedly
tending the looms.
Denunciation of the telegraph featured claims that the
wires altered the physiology of those in close contact
(a justification for early gender restrictions in the
workforce) and curdled milk or otherwise damaged cows.
Women were believed to be particularly excited by opportunities
to receive and send telegrams, with compulsive use resulting
in catch-all symptoms such as neuraesthenia or dysmenorrhea.
A few generations later we saw more subtle warnings about
anomie in the suburbs or the office, with for example
stereotypes about women "always nattering on the
phone".
Such claims echoed warnings by clergy, civil society organisations
and the emerging psychology industry about compulsive
consumption of film, radio and television. Those warnings
included assertions about subliminal messages, conditioning
and fundamental changes to brain physiology.
Mencken satirised contemporary US hysteria about television
watching, warning in 1952 that
no
matter how good any given television show is, to look
at that tube of lights and shadows almost invariably
brings to mind such things as death, tuberculosis, cats
howling on the back fence, incest, dishes in the sink,
etc.
Such a reaction ... applies particularly to looking
at television alone. A hair-in-the-mouth, screaming-nerves
sensation comes from viewing television in solitude,
an act of the same category as drinking in solitude
or taking morphine while shut up in a closet, but much
worse.
Furthermore ... to look at it for any length of time,
even in the company of others, causes sexual impotence,
shortens the life span, makes the hair and teeth fall
out, and encourages early psychosis in otherwise normal
people.
The
more recent Television & the Quality of Life: How
Viewing Shapes Everyday Experience (Mahwah: Erlbaum
1990) by Robert Kubey & Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi conceded
that the term 'TV addiction' is "imprecise and laden
with value judgments" but claimed that it "captures
the essence of a very real phenomenon".
Their 2002 article
Television Addiction Is No Mere Metaphor noted
that
Psychologists
and psychiatrists formally define substance dependence
as a disorder characterized by criteria that include
spending a great deal of time using the substance; using
it more often than one intends; thinking about reducing
use or making repeated unsuccessful efforts to reduce
use; giving up important social, family or occupational
activities to use it; and reporting withdrawal symptoms
when one stops using it. All these criteria can apply
to people who watch a lot of television.
Courts
and much of the media have been less generous. In 2004
for example Timothy Dumouchel gained momentary notoriety
through small claims litigation against a Wisconsin cable
tv service. He said
I
believe the reason I smoke and drink every day and my
wife is overweight is because we watched the TV everyday
for the last four years... I'm definitely addicted.
When I'm home, it's on. I wanted to talk to my family.
When you're watching TV, how much do you communicate
with your family?
Anxieties about 'SMS addiction' or 'mobile addiction'
are highlighted later
in this note.
We have pointed elsewhere to waves of anxiety about railways,
film, radio and even comics.
A historical perspective is provided by Avital Ronell's
The Telephone Book: Technology, Schizophrenia, Electric
Speech (Lincoln: Uni of Nebraska Press 1991). Joseph
Walther offered a parody in his 1999 paper 'Communication
Addiction Disorder: Concern over Media, Behavior and Effects'
(PDF).
orientations and polemics
The literature on internet addiction is at best uneven
and is often distinctly polemical, with an emphasis on
anecdote at the expense of rigorous statistical analysis.
Young has been echoed in works such as Hooked On The
Net: How to say goodnight when the party never ends
(Grand Rapids: Kregel 2002) by Andrew Careaga - marketed
as "a solid, Christ-centered take on the controversial
subject of Internet addiction - written by a self-admitted
Internet aficionado" - and David Greenfield's Virtual
Addiction: Help for Netheads, Cyberfreaks and Those Who
Love Them (Oakland: New Harbinger 1999) or In
the Shadows of the Net: Breaking Free of Compulsive Online
Sexual Behavior (Center City: Hazelden 2004) by Patrick
Carnes, David Delmonico & Elizabeth Griffin. It has
also been echoed in numerous undergraduate papers, replete
with labels such as 'MUD & IRC: The Heroin of the
Internet?'
There is a more analytical account in Richard Davis' paper
A Cognitive-behavioral Model for Pathological Internet
Use (PIU) and Mark Griffiths' 'Internet addiction:
Does it really exist?' in Psychology & the Internet,
intrapersonal, interpersonal, and transpersonal implications
(San Diego: Academic Press 1998) edited by Jayne Gackenbach
and in Narelle Warden, James Phillips & James Ogloff's
2004 'Internet Addiction' in 11 Psychiatry, Psychology
& Law 2, 280-295.
John Suler's 1999 paper
Healthy & Pathological Internet Use attempted
to differentiate between good and bad consumption. Nicholas
Yee's 2002 paper
Ariadne - Understanding MMORPG Addiction considers
addiction to massive multiplayer online roleplaying games;
there is another perspective in the 2007 presentation
The LAN Game Ate My Brain, Dude: 'MMORPG Addiction'
and Australian Law (PDF)
and the forthcoming paper A Label in Search of Liability:
CyberAddiction and the Law.
Two outcomes from early alarms were the APA paper
on Sexuality on the Internet: From Sexual Exploration
to Pathological Expression by Alvin Cooper, Coralie
Scherer, Sylvain Boies & Barry Gordon and Carla Surratt's
Netaholics? The creation of a pathology (New
York: Nova Science Publishers 1999).
Points of entry to the literature on identification and
treatment of addiction per se include Addiction:
mechanisms, phenomenology and treatment (New York:
Springer 2003) edited by W Fleischhacker & D Brooks,
The addiction-prone personality (New York: Kluwer
Academic 2000) by Gordon Barnes and Addiction: evolution
of a specialist field (Malden: Blackwell Science
2002) edited by Griffith Edwards. A perspective on diagnostics
is provided by papers in Rethinking The DSM: A Psychological
Perspective (Washington: American Psychological Association
2002) edited by Larry Beutler & Mary Malik.
A more detailed bibliography is provided
on the final page of this note.
issues
Most studies of cyberaddiction are deeply problematical
because they
- draw
on small (sometimes ludicrously small) and often self-selected
populations
- have
no independent oversight
- involve
serious uncertainties about questionnaire structure
and data handling or about the interpretation of figures
and answers
- are
not benchmarked against widely recognised independent
research
- fail
to differentiate between time spent online at work and
non-occupational use.
An
APA journalist gently noted
in 2000 that
despite
the topic's prominence, published studies on Internet
addiction are scarce. Most are surveys, marred by self-selecting
samples and no control groups. The rest are theoretical
papers that speculate on the philosophical aspects of
Internet addiction but provide no data.
Meanwhile, many psychologists even doubt that addiction
is the right term to describe what happens to people
when they spend too much time online.
"It seems misleading to characterize behaviors
as 'addictions' on the basis that people say they do
too much of them," says Sara Kiesler, PhD, a researcher
at Carnegie Mellon University and co-author of one of
the only controlled studies on Internet usage, published
in the September 1998 American Psychologist.
"No research has yet established that there is
a disorder of Internet addiction that is separable from
problems such as loneliness or problem gambling, or
that a passion for using the Internet is long-lasting."
Another asked "is the internet addictive or are addicts
using the internet?". Others have wondered whether
some 'victims' are scapegoating the net: if your career
is on hold, kids have bad taste in music, love has flown
away and washing the dishes does not excite you it must
be the fault of the all-powerful internet. That perception
of potency is an echo of some of the more utopian claims
that going online will make us all wiser, richer, happier
and - of course - connected.
US academic Ivan Goldberg, whose 1995 spoof
of the Diagnostic & Statistical Manual of Mental
Disorders is sometimes cited as spawning the disorder,
commented that
I
don't think Internet addiction disorder exists any more
than tennis addictive disorder, bingo addictive disorder,
and TV addictive disorder exist. People can overdo anything.
To call it a disorder is an error.
That
was endorsed by Mark Griffiths, characterising much 'cyberaddiction'
as comparable to 'star trek addiction'. Other writers
have wondered about the implications for law,
asking whether 'internet addiction' is different from
the 'twinkie defense', 'tobacco deprivation syndrome'
or 'UFO survivor syndrome' highlighted later in this note.
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