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models
This page looks at models for regulation of cyberspace.
It covers -
It is not comprehensive but should give you a map of how
the pieces fit together (and how Australian law will evolve
to accommodate international developments, such as the
EU privacy regime). It will also offer insights into the
role of bodies such as ICANN, often unfairly criticised
as the unelected government of cyberspace
five models?
Debate about the shape of governance
is highly contentious.
Leaving aside the romantic notion that any governance
is bad governance (or that the questions can somehow be
ignored), arguments for regulating cyberspace reflect
five models:
the
digital ring fence:
traditional national (and state, province or other subordinate
jurisdiction) law that's underpinned by geolocation
or other technologies that strengthen borders in cyberspace
code as law:
de facto rules emerging from decisions made by
online service providers and users, with disputes being
resolved on an exceptional basis through national/international
private litigation and arbitration
a new global body:
creation of an international organization to
establish rules and, in some proposals, to administer
them
a lex informatica:
new treaties or multilateral international agreements
to establish broad-ranging 'whole-of-cyberspace'
rules
the status quo:
ie refinement and extension of a patchwork of global
agreements and bilateral/multilateral agreements that
broadly harmonise national government-based regulatory
regimes
digital ring fence
Some enthusiasts have argued that geolocation
and other technologies will allow policymakers and administrators
to build fences in cyberspace, with citizens of a particular
nation being governed by the laws specific to that jurisdiction.
French hate speech law could thus apply to France, the
US Child Online Protection Act of 1998 would apply in
the US but not Sweden, Australian online gambling and
censorship law would apply within the Commonwealth and
its territories.
For the moment the technologies are unlikely to provide
much of a fence and the overall model does not appear
to effectively address fundamental questions about the
'locus' of cross-border activity, evident in
- bilateral
and multilateral agreements since at least the 1850s
- thinking
about 'commons' such as the law of the sea, the law
of aviation space, and the law of outer space (eg the
1966 treaty
on Principles Governing the Activities of States in
the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, including the
Moon and Other Celestial Bodies).
In
practice much action using the ring fence model has the
flavour of gesture politics, resulting in media statements
that have no effect because they don't extend to another
jurisdiction.
One starting point is Maureen O'Rourke's 1998 paper
Fencing Cyberspace: Drawing Borders in a Virtual World.
Another is the snappy 'iBrief'
on the Duke University Law Journal site about the
LICRA-Yahoo dispute,
with the authors arguing that application of local law
allowed France to win a victory against domestic hate
groups but "dealt a blow to free speech everywhere"
and commenting that the restrictions illustrate problems
inherent in the absence of a global internet jurisdiction.
code as law
Others envisage de facto
rules emerging from decisions made by online service providers,
software developers and users, with disputes being resolved
on an exceptional basis through national/international
private litigation and arbitration. The
standards that a foreign company builds into accounting
software might play a major role in regulating the standards
of accounting used in a country that has a relatively
small number of businesses.
An example is the regime described in "Chaos
prevailing on every continent": Towards a new theory
of decentralized decision-making in complex systems,
a paper
by David Post & David Johnson.
a new global body
Others propose creation of a new international organization
to establish rules and, in some proposals, to administer
them. Such
proposals have been criticised as a triumph of hope over
experience. Critics have for example questioned why a
new body will succeed. Others have suggested that a more
realistic approach would be to use existing bodies such
as ICANN rather than starting from scratch.
One example is the proposal
by the People for Internet Responsibility (PFIR) group
for a 'Representative Global Internet Policy Organization',
ie an entity that combines wide policy and decision making
responsibilities about most aspects of cyberspace.
Wolfgang Kleinwaechter's 2001 paper (PDF)
Global Governance in the Information Age argues
that
the
emergence of new global governance mechanisms like the
"Internet Corporation for Assigned Names & Numbers"
(ICANN) and the "Global Business Dialogue on eCommerce"
(GBDe) can be seen as "pilot projects" to explore the
feasibility of new policy mechanisms which go beyond
the traditional governmental top-down system. Both institutions
have introduced new principles in global policy-making
like bottom-up coordination, rough consensus, openness
and transparency ... with the ongoing globalization
and informatisation of law and policy-making, new governance
structures will appear which go beyond a system based
on the territorial and personal sovereignty of the nation
state.
lex informatica
Somewhat more realistically, others have suggested new
treaties or multilateral international agreements to establish
broad-ranging 'whole-of-cyberspace' rules.
Those agreements would offer uniform treatment across
jurisdictions and across areas of activity. They would
build on existing agreements and institutions, such as
the World Trade Agreement, the International Telecommunications
Union agreements and the various international copyright
conventions under the auspices of the World Intellectual
Property Organisation.
An example is the recommendation in the American Bar Association's
major cyberspace law report
for a global commission to set international rules regarding
banking, consumer protection, privacy, taxation, gambling
and other online activities.
more of the same
Our assessment is that the future is likely to involve
the final model: a continuation of the status quo. At
the moment there's a patchwork of global agreements and
bilateral/multilateral agreements (such as the EU-Canada
privacy agreement and the North American Free Trade Agreement)
that broadly harmonise national government-based regulatory
regimes.
In the words of one critic, those regimes would be characterised
by "geographically-based, centralized, top-down governance",
with a continuation of existing disputes over jurisdiction
(explored in the next page of this guide), inconsistencies
of interpretation and uneven legislative development.
At the national level an example is the European Commission's
package
of Legislative Proposals for a new Regulatory Framework
for Electronic Communications, with directives on
telecommunications privacy, access and interconnection
among others.
There is another view in the speech
by ITU Secretary-General Peka Tarjanne on Internet
Governance: Towards Voluntary Multilateralism, in
Robert Litan's perceptive 2001 article
Law & Policy In The Age Of The Internet and
Jack Goldsmith's cogent The Internet, Conflicts of
Regulation & International Harmonization (PDF).
perspectives
As a starting point for considering models for the
regulation of cyberspace we recommend Stuart Biegel's
Beyond Our Control? Confronting the Limits of Our Legal
System in the Age of Cyberspace (Cambridge: MIT Press
2001), Matthew McCloskey's dated but valuable ILPF
Bibliography of Internet Self Regulation (here)
and United States Hegemony & the Foundations of
International Law (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni Press
2003) edited by Michael Byers & Georg Nolte.
David Post's 1995 paper
Anarchy, State, & the Internet: An Essay on Law-Making
in Cyberspace and Dan Burk's provocative Muddy
Rules in Cyberspace paper
suggest that 'fuzzy' rules (and disputed institutions)
may be the future of the internet. They highlight the
likelihood of high internet transaction costs because
of the number of parties involved, the difficulty of locating
the parties, increased opportunity for strategic behavior
and transborder activity.
Mark Lemley's more cogent paper
on The Law & Economics of Internet Norms criticises
suggestions that law should defer to online social norms,
either by abdicating its role entirely to cyberspace self-governance,
or by carving out particular roles for nonlegal rulemaking.
He notes that online norms are elusive and rapidly changing,
without the consensus required for norm creation.
Neither
Net 'vigilantes,' judges,
nor code itself can be relied upon to identify and enforce
Internet norms with an appropriate sensitivity to efficiency
and policy concerns.
In
1996 US Judge Frank Easterbrook's lecture on Cyberspace
& the Law of the Horse commented that there was
no need for a 'law of cyberspace', just as there had been
no need for a law of the horse. Existing principles were
adequate. Rather than struggling to develop a body of
'cyberlaw' or new institutions, those seeking order in
cyberspace should concentrate on the optimal means of
applying existing legal principles. That argument was
restated in Joseph Sommer's 2000 BTLJ paper
Against Cyberlaw.
Lawrence Lessig's rejoinder
argued that similarities between
the regulation of real space and regulations of cyberspace
hide important differences. Both were criticised by the
provocative Michael Froomkin in a paper
on The Empire Strikes Back and Jane Ginsburg &
Morton Janklow's paper (txt)
Private International Law Aspects of the Protection
of Works & Objects of Related Rights Transmitted Through
Networks.
There is a more balanced study in Henry Perritt's incisive
1997 paper
on Cyberspace & State Sovereignty and his Law
& the Information Superhighway: Privacy, Access, Intellectual
Property, Commerce, Liability (New York: Wiley 1996).
It complements Joel Reidenberg's 1996 paper
Governing Networks & Rule-making in Cyberspace,
Andreas Rutkowski's brief paper
The Internet: Governance for Grabs?, John Zysman
& Steven Weber's 2000 paper (PDF)
Governance & Politics of the Internet Economy--Historical
Transformation or Ordinary Politics with a New Vocabulary?
and Autonomous Policy-Making By International Organisations
(London: Routledge 1999) edited by Bob Reinalda.
assessment
Away from the rarified (if often overheated) air of academia,
there's little reason to believe that proposals for a
radically new regime at the global or national level will
progress very far.
That scepticism reflects the tortuous history of international
regulatory developments, explored in Braithwaite &
Drahos's exemplary Global Business Regulation and
in more specialised studies such as Christopher Arup's
The New World Trade Organization Agreements: Globalizing
Law Through Services & Intellectual Property (Cambridge:
Cambridge Uni Press 2000).
Some states, such as the UK, are seeking a more coherent
national regime by thinking in terms of a broad 'content
& carriage' information policy and amalgamating the
plethora of competing regulatory agencies. However, given
the complexity of some issues and the different agendas
of significant interests, it is unlikely that the quick
fixes proposed in Australia and the US will be adopted
in any major economy.
Negroponte's naive notion that states will simply evaporate
looks increasingly unjustified. Rightly or wrongly, there
is widespread community support for content regulation,
privacy, consumer protection and other measures which
in the foreseeable future can only be implemented at a
national or subnational level. While we might be 'digital',
to use his jingle, our lives are analogue, fixed to at
least one physical location.
More fundamentally, suggestions that a non-government
organisation can assume overarching policy and regulatory
responsibilities without consistent government endorsement
seem to be contradicted by the very low rate of participation
in bodies such as ICANN.
next page (jurisdictions)
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